The overarching question about the Iranian protests is whether they can develop into a full-scale revolution capable of overthrowing the Islamic Republic. Some argue that the bridge has already been crossed. What began as sporadic demonstrations against the women’s dress code was sparked by the death of Masa Amini in Morality Police custody, but long ago, the regime.
Three months after Amini’s death, the protests have lasted longer than any public dissent since the 1979 Islamic revolution that led to the creation of the theocracy. For the past four decades, the political system installed by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini has isolated Iran from world affairs, weakened its economy, and denied its people both economic opportunity and political voice.
Unsurprisingly, protesters, mostly young, want to demolish entire buildings in that state. not. If anything, their voices became harsher and their requests more insistent. It is the government that is showing signs of tension. Diverting flights to prevent the famous footballer’s family from leaving the country smells of desperation, presumably because he’s a prominent supporter of the protests. Calls for the death of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei have become routine, with statues and posters of regime heroes like military commander Qassem Soleimani being vandalized.
Khamenei played a key role in events 40 years ago, so it’s hard to miss the recent parallels. This may explain his vague offer of compromise: a possible suspension of the Morality Police.Like in 1979, protesters are taking the ruler’s olive branch for his 11th hour. I refused.
But to defeat him, protesters will have to adopt some elements of the state. It was only after most of his army had mutinied that Khomeei was able to overthrow the Shah of Iran. There are still few signs of dissatisfaction within the security services, which consist of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the army, the paramilitary Basij and the police.
But if there’s one thing we’ve learned from the history of revolutions, including the Iranian one, it’s that change happens slowly and all at once.
From last year: Floods in Pakistan may reveal China’s friend in sunny weather: Islamabad has tried to switch loyalties from Washington to Beijing, but in crisis, China’s help significantly It was lacking. For one thing, President Xi Jinping’s government was plagued with its own problems. Another reason is that China simply has not developed the national infrastructure and bureaucracy to respond quickly to disasters abroad.
An unarmed Putin wants a culture war with the West: With his army suffering a humiliating reversal in Ukraine, the Russian president has warned him by rereading old anti-Western tropes from the Soviet era. However, if anything, Moscow had more glitz as a cultural beacon under the Soviet Union than it does with its current soft power with Putin.
Democracy in Tunisia is crumbling. Biden should not just sit on the sidelines: Qais Said’s consolidation of power will not be challenged by Western powers or by an American president who has pledged to make promoting democracy a primary motivation for his foreign policy. No. It’s never too late to undo the damage.
US needs to prepare for more backlash from Erdogan: With Turkey’s economy in tatters and elections looming, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will need every distraction he can engineer. Anti-Western foreign policy is red meat to his roots, so the US and Europe should expect more provocations in the coming months.
The rise of Indian restaurants mirrors Asheville restaurants. Indian street food Chai Pani was voted America’s best restaurant this year. It’s a testament to both the evolution of American tastes and the rise of smaller cities like Asheville, North Carolina.
This column does not necessarily reflect the opinions of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
Bobby Ghosh is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist on foreign policy. Previously, he was Editor-in-Chief of Hindustan Times, Editor-in-Chief of Quartz and International Editor of Time.
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